A brief history of love-hate in the Kerala CPI(M)
Factional infighting within the Kerala unit of the CPI(M) is not a new phenomenon. Earlier, it used to be based on ideological differences rather than ego clashes. Personal affiliations and egos never came in the picture as first generation communist leaders were committed to the cause of the working class. Their ideology was to lead the class struggle, not to grab power.
Later, getting in power became the focus of the CPI(M)'s political activity in Kerala. After the 1980s, the Left Democratic Front (LDF) led by CPI(M) won the elections. This led to new trends within the party as a new generation of middle-class members got into the party leadership. The party also started having multiple voices with no common ideology. The old guard found these new leaders convenient for their own ends. New associations with the rich and powerful opened up doors to drawing rooms of the elite, who earlier despised the communists as 'criminals'. These new moneyed friends influenced party ideology and programmes, but the leadership convinced the comrades that the party is adopting these strategies only to infiltrate into the middle classes and make the revolution an easier task.
This was followed by asset creation by the party. New bungalows and modern buildings housed party offices, new cars were bought for district secretaries and state office bearers and party leaders became frequent fliers. Then, the party started its own profit-making television channel, Kairalee, which showed that investment in high-tech areas could be rewarding and profitable. (Old comrades may ideologically beg to differ with the party running a television channel and making its presence in middle class drawing rooms, but they too now love to watch Kairalee as its ratings rise every day).
The influence of money and power has helped the party manage its assets but has also added fuel to factional infighting. The power struggle between CITU and other factions, including VS Achuthanandan's (VS) factions, contributed to his defeat in the Mararikulam legislative assembly constituency, a CPI(M) stronghold, in the 1996 elections. With vengeance, VS clipped the wings of several CITU leaders who masterminded his defeat. VS believed he was defeated to eliminate his natural claim to become chief minister. From then onward, the infighting has not stopped.
When EK Nayanar was elected chief minister, Chadayan Govindan replaced him as party state secretary. In 1998, Pinarayi Vijayan was elected state secretary after Govindan's death. VS has always been fighting with the party leadership in one way or another. Earlier, he struggled against veteran EMS Namboodiripad (EMS), who controlled party affairs at the state and central levels. As long as EMS was alive, no infighting came out in the open as no one dared to leak out internal discussions. With erosion of party discipline, factional infighting spread across the state units. Although VS initially supported Pinarayi for party secretary, he found Pinarayi a threat as the latter started controlling party affairs and the factional agendas of VS.
Thereafter, VS loyalists embarked upon an image-building exercise, projecting him as a legendary communist who contributed immensely for the party, a born fighter who does not make compromises, eco-sensitive, with a clean record — something Kerala was missing.
In his new incarnation, VS was a changed man. Friendly and accessible to the media, he found new friends in all walks of life — advocates, IT professionals, civil servants, journalists, environmental activists and writers. With their help, he created a knowledge bank for image promotion activities. But the event managers knew this would not last long. So they started an offensive campaign against political rivals, with Pinarayi as their prime target. They collected evidence against Pinarayi from all possible quarters. His foreign trips, friends and activities, all came under the scanner, with the media churning out exposés. Pinarayi could not check these campaigns, and soon, was discredited.
When he identified the men behind the 'VS campaigns', he uprooted them from the party. Around 1,000 party cadres at various levels are facing disciplinary proceedings in the state. Recently, both leaders started accusing each other in public and the politburo had to suspend them. Both camps are, however, still active but cautious. Given their history of bitter infighting, this pause is but an interval. The film's climax is yet to begin.
Jeemon Jacob Thiruvananthapuram
No comments:
Post a Comment